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Photography Writing

Supporting Artistic Creativity

Back in February 2022, I made a commitment to myself. I set out to add a bit more positivity to the internet by reaching out to writers whose work inspired me, or photographers whose images resonated with me. I wanted to thank them for their efforts and let them know their work was appreciated.

Recognizing People Matters

It is all too common for people to move through life without peers, friends, or family recognizing the importance of their work or the ways they’ve shaped others’ lives. In my personal life, it was only after my father died that many of the kids he’d mentored reached out to me to share how he had positively affected the course of their lives. His Facebook feed was filled with comments from people who had benefitted from his generosity and kindness. But I was left wondering: had they ever told him directly about his impact? And if they had, might he have avoided his death of despair?

And I’ve seen the power of professional recognition–and felt the cost of its absence. Years ago, after a major project wrapped up, I realized I had forgotten to recognize the exemplary contribution of a junior staff member. I went back into the room to point out how critical their work had been. That small moment of recognition, as it turned out, had a profound impact on their career trajectory. And it was only after I left my last professional job that people contacted me from around Canada about how the work I produced had influenced them, their practice, and their thinking. I’ll be honest: when I left that job, I felt like I’d been writing into a void. Almost no one ever directly recognized the work I was producing or the value they placed in it.

Recognizing Creatives

On Glass, I try to leave a couple of comments on other photographers’ work each month. Sometimes those comments are short, like “Love the composition!👏👏👏 ,” or “Great use of tonality across the frame! 👏👏👏” Other times, when I have more bandwidth, I write longer, more substantive reflections on what I see in their images.

I think this kind of recognition matters. Too often, we wait until it’s too late to share it. Positive, explicit recognition can motivate people who may not have received much encouragement otherwise. It’s one of the many reasons why I support Neale James’ Photowalk Podcast and the community of kindness that he fosters with every single episode.

Lately I’ve been thinking about how to take this further. For me, the next step has been to begin collecting prints or zines from photographers whose work or practice I deeply admire. I’m not buying prints from the famous names you see in galleries–no Martin Parrs for me!–but photographers working in niches that speak to me. Owning their prints feels special. It’s not just me saying “great work,” it’s me saying, to them, “I value this enough to want it in my home.”

Ownership is a Kind of Intimacy

There are practical challenges with purchasing other people’s work. As we know, shipping expenses, cost of making physical artefacts, and the economic realities facing both buyers and artists can impede purchasing other creatives’ work. We can’t all afford to purchase prints regularly. But even buying one piece every year, every few years, or even once a decade can make a meaningful difference. It’s a way of supporting creativity and giving artists recognition that lasts.

What’s powerful about this isn’t only the financial support. It’s the intimacy of having someone’s work become part of your everyday life. Unlike a gallery exhibition, which is temporary and public, a print hanging in your home or office is permanent and personal. It shapes the space you live in, and every time you see it you’re reminded of the artist and the respect you have for their work.

That, to me, is one of the most profound ways we can support and recognize each other as creators. It’s something that I continue to do, and I appreciate the works of others that I have the privilege of viewing on a regular basis.

In closing, if a creator’s work inspires you then I’d strongly encourage you to leave a comment, send a note, or even consider acquiring a print. It might mean more than you know.

Categories
Photography Reviews Writing

An Amateur Photographer’s Mid-Term Review of the Leica Q2

Black-and-white street crowd at Yonge–Dundas; older woman adjusting hood, masked pedestrians, large bank ad billboard behind.”
(Yonge & Dundas, Toronto, 2024)

I’m an amateur Toronto-based documentary and street photographer, and have been making images on the street for over a decade. In the fall of 2023 I purchased a used Leica Q2. I’d wanted the camera for a while, but it wasn’t until late 2023 that I began running into situations where I’d benefit from a full-frame sensor. Since then I’ve been going out and making images with it at least once a week for hours at a time and have made tens of thousands of frames in all kinds of weather.

In this post I discuss my experiences using the Leica Q2 in a variety of weather conditions to make monochromatic JPG images. I tend to exclusively use either single-point autofocus or zone focusing, and either multi-field or highlight-weighted exposure modes, generally while using aperture priority at 1/500s to freeze action on the street. My edits to images have, previously, used Apple Photos and now rely on the Darkroom app on my iPad Pro. You can see the kinds of images that I’ve been making on my Glass profile.

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Writing

Amendments in Bill C-2 Would Establish an Intelligence Role for the Canadian Coast Guard

While much of the attention around Canada’s Bill C-2: An Act respecting certain measures relating to the security of the border between Canada and the United States and respecting other related security measures has focused on its lawful access and interception aspects, one notable change has flown under the radar: amendments to the Oceans Act that quietly expand the Canadian Coast Guard’s mandate to include intelligence functions.

Specifically, the bill proposes updating the Coast Guard’s responsibilities to include:

security, including security patrols and the collection, analysis and disclosure of information or intelligence.1

This language, paired with provisions granting the Minister explicit authority to collect, analyze, and disclose intelligence,2 marks a meaningful shift. The update would echo the U.S. model, where the Coast Guard is both a maritime safety organization and an intelligence actor. The U.S. Coast Guard Intelligence (CG-2) has long played a dual role in maritime domain awareness and national security operations.

Why does this matter?

There are a few strategic implications:
1. NATO and National Security Alignment: The expanded role may help Canada meet NATO funding expectations, especially where the Coast Guard is deployed to conduct maritime surveillance and to maintain an Arctic presence.
2. Statutory Authority: These changes might establish a legal basis for intelligence collection practices that are already occurring, but until now may have lacked clear legislative grounding.
3. Redundancy and Resilience: With global intelligence sharing under strain, having a domestic maritime intelligence function could serve as a backstop if access to allied intelligence is reduced.
4. Northern Operations: Coast Guard vessels, which are not militarized like Royal Canadian Navy warships, are well-positioned to operate in the Arctic and northern waters, offering intelligence capabilities without the geopolitical weight of a military presence.

To be clear, this wouldn’t transform the Canadian Coast Guard into an intelligence agency. But it would give the institution statutory authorities that, until now, have not explicitly been within its official purview.

It’s a small clause in a big bill, but one worth watching. As researchers, journalists, and civil society take a closer look at Bill C-2, this expansion of maritime intelligence authority could (and should) draw more attention.


  1. 30(2) of C-2, amending 41(1)(f) of the Oceans Act ↩︎
  2. 30(2) of C-2, amending 41(2) of the Oceans Act ↩︎
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Links Writing

Learning from Service Innovation in the Global South

Western policy makers, understandably, often focus on how emerging technologies can benefit their own administrative and governance processes. Looking beyond the Global North to understand how other countries are experimenting with administrative technologies, such as those with embedded AI capacities, can productively reveal the benefits and challenges of applying new technologies at scale.

The Rest of the World continues to be a superb resource for getting out of prototypical discussions and news cycles, with its vision of capturing people’s experiences of technology outside of the Western world.

Their recent article, “Brazil’s AI-powered social security app is wrongly rejecting claims,” on the use of AI technologies South American and Latin American countries reveals the profound potential that automation has for processing social benefits claims…as well as how they can struggle with complex claims and further disadvantage the least privileged in society. In focusing on Brazil, we learn about how the government is turning to automated systems to expedite access to service; while in aggregate these automated systems may be helpful, there are still complex cases where automation is impairing access to (now largely automated) government services and benefits.

The article also mentions how Argentina is using generative AI technologies to help draft court opinions and Costa Rica is using AI systems to optimize tax filing and detect fraudulent behaviours. It is valuable for Western policymakers to see how smaller or more nimble or more resource constrained jurisdictions are integrating automation into service delivery, and learn from their positive experiences and seek to improve upon (or avoid similar) innovation that leads to inadequate service delivery.

Governments are very different from companies. They provide service and assistance to highly diverse populations and, as such, the ‘edge cases’ that government administrators must handle require a degree of attention and care that is often beyond the obligations that corporations have or adopt towards their customer base. We can’t ask, or expect, government administrators to behave like companies because they have fundamentally different obligations and expectations.

It behooves all who are considering the automation of public service delivery to consider how this goal can be accomplished in a trustworthy and responsible manner, where automated services work properly and are fit for purpose, and are safe, privacy protective, transparent and accountable, and human rights affirming. Doing anything less risks entrenching or further systematizing existing inequities that already harm or punish the least privileged in our societies.

Categories
Links Writing

Research Security Requirements and Ontario Colleges and Universities

There’s a lot happening, legislatively in Ontario. One item worth highlighting concerns the requirement for Ontario colleges and universities to develop security research plans.

The federal government has been warning that Canadian academic research is at risk of exfiltration or theft by foreign actors, including by foreign-influenced professors or students who work in Canadian research environments, or by way of electronic and trade-based espionage. In response, the federal government has established a series of guidance documents that Canadian researchers and universities are expected to adhere to where seeking certain kinds of federal funding.

The Ontario government introduced Bill 33, Supporting Children and Students Act, 2025 on May 29, 2025. Notably, Schedule 3 introduces requirements for security plans for Ontario college of applied arts and technology and publicly funded university.

The relevant text from the legislation states as follows:

Research security plan

Application

20.1 (1) This section applies to every college of applied arts and technology and to every publicly-assisted university.

Development and implementation of plan

(2) Every college or university described in subsection (1) shall develop and implement a research security plan to safeguard, and mitigate the risk of harm to or interference with, its research activities.

Minister’s directive

(3) The Minister may, from time to time, in a directive issued to one or more colleges or universities described in subsection (1),

(a) specify the date by which a college or university’s research security plan must be developed and implemented under subsection (2);

(b) specify the date by which a plan must be provided to the Minister under subsection (4) and any requirements relating to updating or revising a plan; and

(c) specify topics to be addressed or elements to be included in a plan and the date by which they must be addressed.

Review by Minister

(4) Every college or university described in subsection (1) shall provide the Minister with a copy of its research security plan and any other information or reports requested by the Minister in respect of research security.

Categories
Links Writing

Japan’s New Active Cyberdefence Law

Japan has passed legislation that will significantly reshape the range of cyber operations that its government agencies can undertake. As reported by The Record, the law will enable the following.

  1. Japan’s Self-Defence Forces will be able to provide material support to allies under the justification that failing to do so could endanger the whole of the country.
  2. Japanese LEAs can infiltrate and neutralize hostile servers before any malicious activity has taken place and to do so below the level of an armed attack against Japan.
  3. The Self-Defence Forces be authorized to undertake offensive cyber operations against particularly sophisticated incidents.
  4. The government will be empowered to analyze foreign internet traffic entering the country or just transiting through it. (The government has claimed it won’t collect or analyze the contents of this traffic.) Of note: the new law will not authorize the government to collect or analyze domestically generated internet traffic.
  5. Japan will establish an independent oversight panel that will give prior authorization to all acts of data collection and analysis, as well as for offensive operations intended to target attackers’ servers. This has some relationship to Ministerial oversight of the CSE in Canada, though perhaps (?) with a greater degree of control over the activities understand by Japanese agencies.

The broader result of this legislative update will be to further align the Japanese government, and its agencies, with its Five Eyes friends and allies.

It will be interesting to learn over time whether these activities are impaired by the historical stovepiping of Japan’s defence and SIGINT competencies. Historically the strong division between these organizations impeded cyber operations and was an issue that the USA (and NSA in particular) had sought to have remedied over a decade ago. If these issues persist then the new law may not be taken up as effectively as would otherwise be possible.

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Links Writing

Implications for Canada of an Anti-Liberal Democratic USA

Any number of commentators have raised concerns over whether the USA could become an illiberal state and the knock on effects. A recent piece by Dr. Benjamin Goldsmith briefly discussed a few forms of such a reformed state apparatus, but more interestingly (to me) is his postulation of the potentially broader global effects:

  • The dominant ideology of great powers will be nationalism.  
  • International politics will resemble the realist vision of great powers balancing power, carving out spheres of influence.  
  • It will make sense for the illiberal great powers to cooperate in some way to thwart liberalism – a sort of new ‘Holy Alliance’ type system could emerge.  
  • The existing institutional infrastructure of international relations will move towards a state-centric bias, away from a human-rights, liberal bias.   
  • International economic interdependence, although curtailed since the days of high “globalisation,” will continue to play an important role in tempering great-power behaviour.  
  • Democracy will be under greater pressure globally, with no great power backing and perhaps active US encouragement of far-right illiberal parties in established and new democracies.  
  • Mass Politics and soft power will still matter, but the post-truth aspect of public opinion in foreign policy will be greater.  

For a middle state like Canada, this kind of transformation would fundamentally challenge how it has been able to operate for the past 80 years. This would follow from the effects of this international reordering and due to our proximity to a superpower state that has broadly adopted or accepted an anti-liberal democratic political culture.

Concerning the first, what does this international reordering mean for Canada when nationalism reigns supreme after decades of developing economic and cultural integrations with the USA? What might it mean to be under a ‘sphere of influence’ with an autocratic or illiberal country? How would Canada appease Americans who pushed our leaders to support other authoritarian governments, or else? Absent the same commitments (and resources) to advocate for democratic values and human rights (while recognizing America’s own missteps in those areas) what does it mean for Canada’s own potential foreign policy commitments? And in an era of rising adoptions of generative AI technologies that can be used to produce and spread illiberal or anti-democratic rhetoric, and without the USA to regulate such uses of these technologies, what does this mean for detecting truth and falsity in international discourse?

In aggregate, these are the sorts of questions that Canadians should be considering and is part of why our leaders are warning of the implications of the changing American political culture.

When it comes to our proximity to a growing anti-liberal democratic political cultural, we are already seeing some of those principles and rhetoric taking hold in Canada. As more of this language (and ideology) seeps into Canadian discourse there is a growing chance that Canada’s own democratic norms might be perverted with extended exposure and following American pressures to compel alterations in our democratic institutions.

The shifts in the USA were not entirely unexpected. And the implications have been previously theorized. An anti-liberal democratic political culture will not necessarily take hold amongstAmericans and their political institutions. But the implications and potential global effects of such a change are before us, today, and it’s important to carefully consider potential consequences. Middle states, such as Canada, that possess liberal democratic cultures must urgently prepare ways to plot through what may be a very chaotic and disturbing next few decades.

Categories
Links Writing

Categorizing Contemporary Attacks on Strong Encryption

Matt Burgess at Wired has a good summary article on the current (and always ongoing) debate concerning the availability of strong encryption.

In short, he sees three ‘classes’ of argument which are aimed at preventing individuals from protecting their communications (and their personal information) with robust encryption.

  1. Governments or law enforcement agencies are asking for backdoors to be built into encrypted platforms to gain “lawful access” to content. This is best exemplified by recent efforts by the United Kingdom to prevent residents from using Apple’s Advanced Data Protection.
  2. An increase in proposals related to a technology known as “client-side scanning.” Perhaps the best known effort is an ongoing European proposal to monitor all users’ communications for child sexual abuse material, notwithstanding the broader implications of integrating a configurable detector (and censor) on all individuals’ devices.
  3. The threat of potential bans or blocks for encrypted services. We see this in Russia, concerning Signal and legal action against WhatsApp in India.

In this broader context it’s worth recognizing that alleged Chinese compromises of key American lawful interception systems led the US government to recommend that all Americans use strongly encrypted communications in light of network compromises. If strong encryption is banned then there is a risk that there will be no respite from such network intrusions while, also, likely creating an entirely new domain of cyber threats.

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Links Writing

An Initial Assessment of CLOUD Agreements

The United States has bilateral CLOUD Act agreements with the United Kingdom and Australia, and Canada continues to also negotiate an agreement with the United States.1 CLOUD agreements are meant to alleviate some of the challenges attributed to the MLAT process, namely that MLATs can be ponderous with the result being that investigators have difficulties obtaining information from communication providers in a manner deemed timely.

Investigators must conform with their domestic legal requirements and, with CLOUD agreements in place, can serve orders directly on bilateral partners’ communications and electronic service providers. Orders cannot target the domestic residents of a targeted country (i.e., the UK government could not target a US resident or person, and vice versa). Demands also cannot interfere with fundamental rights, such as freedom of speech. 2

A recent report from Lawfare unpacks the November 2024 report that was produced to explain how the UK and USA governments actually used the powers under their bilateral agreement. It showcases that, so far, the UK government has used this substantially to facilitate wiretap requests, with the UK issuing,

… 20,142 requests to U.S. service providers under the agreement. Over 99.8 percent of those (20,105) were issued under the Investigatory Powers Act, and were for the most part wiretap orders, and fewer than 0.2 percent were overseas production orders for stored communications data (37).

By way of contrast, the “United States made 63 requests to U.K. providers between Oct. 3, 2022, and Oct. 15, 2024. All but one request was for stored information.” Challenges in getting UK providers to respond to US CLOUD Act requests, and American complaints about this, may cause the UK government to “amend the data protection law to remove any doubt about the legality of honoring CLOUD Act requests.”

It will be interesting to further assess how CLOUD Acts operate, in practice, at a time when there is public analysis of how the USA-Australia agreement has been put into effect.


  1. In Canada, the Canadian Bar Association noted in November 2024 that new enabling legislation may be required, including reforms of privacy legislation to authorize providers’ disclosure of information to American investigators. ↩︎
  2. Debates continue about whether protections built into these agreements are sufficient. ↩︎
Categories
Writing

Details from the DNI’s Annual VEP Report

For a long time external observers wondered how many vulnerabilities were retained vs disclosed by FVEY SIGINT agencies. Following years of policy advocacy there is some small visibility into this by way of Section 6270 of Public Law 116-92. This law requires the U.S. Director of National Intelligence (DNI) to disclose certain annual data about the vulnerabilities disclosed and retained by US government agencies.

The Fiscal Year 2023 VEP Annual Report Unclassified Appendix reveals “the aggregate number of vulnerabilities disclosed to vendors or the public pursuant to the [VEP] was 39. Of those disclosed, 29 of them were initial submissions, and 10 of them were reconsiderations that originated in prior years.”1

There can be many reasons to reassess vulnerability equities. Some include:

  1. Utility of given vulnerabilities decrease either due to changes in the environment or research showing a vulnerability would not (or would no longer) have desired effect(s) or possess desired operational characteristics.
  2. Adversaries have identified the vulnerabilities themselves, or through 4th party collection, and disclosure is a defensive action to protect US or allied assets.
  3. Independent researchers / organizations are pursuing lines of research that would likely result in finding the vulnerabilities.
  4. By disclosing the vulnerabilities the U.S. agencies hope or expect adversaries to develop similar attacks on still-vulnerable systems, with the effect of masking future U.S. actions on similarly vulnerable systems.
  5. Organizations responsible for the affected software (e.g., open source projects) are now perceived as competent / resourced to remediate vulnerabilities.
  6. The effects of vulnerabilities are identified as having greater possible effects than initially perceived which rebalances disclosure equities.
  7. Orders from the President in securing certain systems result in a rebalancing of equities regarding holding the vulnerabilities in question.
  8. Newly discovered vulnerabilities are seen as more effective in mission tasks, thus deprecating the need for the vulnerabilities which were previously retained.
  9. Disclosure of vulnerabilities may enable adversaries to better target one another and thus enable new (deniable) 4th party collection opportunities.
  10. Vulnerabilities were in fact long used by adversaries (and not the U.S. / FVEY) and this disclosure burns some of their infrastructure or operational capacity.
  11. Vulnerabilities are associated with long-terminated programs and the release has no effect of current, recent, or deprecated activities.

This is just a very small subset of possible reasons to disclose previously-withheld vulnerabilities. While we don’t have a strong sense of how many vulnerabilities are retained each year, we do at least have a sense that rebalancing of equities year-over-year(s) is occurring. Though without a sense of scale the disclosed information is of middling value, at best.